How Youth Have Changed the Climate Movement
鈥淲e do not inherit the Earth from our ancestors. We borrow it from our children,鈥 affirms the Oglala-Sioux version of a belief common to. To David Brower, the 鈥溾 founder of Friends of the Earth, and other environmentalists, 鈥溾 better characterizes modern humans鈥 degradation of the earth. The only hope, Brower declared nearly 50 years ago, is 鈥渨hat young people can do before older people tell them it’s impossible.鈥
The youth-led climate strikes in September that drew some worldwide demand a far broader concept of democracy if the environmental goals they advocate are to be won. The climate-strike revolution represents a huge new step for human rights that expands hierarchical oppressions to include the dimension of future time. The young are a distinct class because they, not the old, will face climate change鈥檚 worst devastations
鈥淲e will be known as the solution to the climate crisis,鈥 17-year-old Nadia Nazar, co-founder of the youth-led climate activist organization , said this September in Washington, D.C. Later that week, 16-year-old addressed the United Nations General Assembly. 鈥淵ou have stolen my dreams,鈥 she said, relegating older generations to past tense. 鈥淎ll you can talk about is money and fairy tales of eternal economic growth.鈥
Climate-change activism is not new, but the role of youth in it today is. Today鈥檚 youth reject the idea that they are junior auxiliaries to adult movements. They challenge the traditional rule of older people over the young, and, most radically of all, uphold the interests of future generations as equal to those of present ones. They find true elder wisdom manifest in hard science and lambaste the old as immature and selfish for rejecting that science. 鈥淲hy do we have to clean up the mess that past generations, and your generation, has left us?鈥 Nazar interrogated Congress members in February.
We oldsters may insist our developed, executive brains, moral reasoning, maturity, empathy, realism, and access to the wisdom of the past entitle us to decide the best interests of the young. But are elders really equipped to face the new challenges climate change brings?
Climate-change activism is not new, but the role of youth in it today is.
In a fascinating paper , professors Tomas Paus and Howard Sercombe find that youthful and aging brains really are different, though not in the us-versus-them way pop-media depicts. The wide-open neural connections in adolescence foster broader, more flexible thinking, while the 鈥減runing鈥 of neural pathways as adulthood progresses renders adult brains more efficient for a narrower range of tasks. Teenagers鈥 experimentations appear scattered and impetuous to elders while specialized, staid adults whose experience and efficiencies were vital to human survival in past millennia now appear overly rigid to youths.
These differences would seem to suggest that as rapid social and technological changes accumulate, generational power realignments are at hand. Youthful thinking across multiple dimensions is better at imagining innovative policies to adapt to future contingencies; elder thinking is suited to resolving the practicalities. That鈥檚 why elder-dominated media and leaders fixate on the short-range dollars-and-cents costs of change, while the climate-strike youth focus on the long-term price of inaction.
Yet, biology is not determinism, age influences but does not dictate mindset, and a generational war distracts us from pursuing crucial opportunities. We know 16-year-olds who would make great 75-year-olds, and vice versa. Ideally, old and young thinking works together.
Unfortunately, intergenerational cooperation hasn鈥檛 happened; even Democrats have been slow to the cause. 鈥淭his country needs an all-out, all-of-the-above strategy that develops every available source of American energy.鈥 That wasn鈥檛 an oil-state Republican talking, or someone from 1975. That was former President Barack Obama in 2012鈥攁fter fossil-fuel鈥檚 damage was abundantly clear. Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton waffled before cautiously opposing the Keystone Pipeline, a dirty-oil mega-project NASA鈥檚 James Hansen warned would spell 鈥.鈥
Now, the divisions have become more serious. Climate politics reveals that as Democrats become more forceful on the issue, a far-right, nationalist upsurge is waging an all-out war on today鈥檚 young and the future. Powerful industry and right-wing forces invoke horror at conveniences and pleasures lost. Curtailed air travel! Tinier cars! No more hamburgers! Rightists seek retreat to enclaves insulated from the social changes they hate. Moderates are squeezed between climate-change activists brandishing science and a reactionary opposition brandishing denials and political threats.
World powers cannot devise a plan to achieve the from the UN鈥檚 and : greenhouse gas reductions of 45 per cent below 2010 levels by 2030, and . They in 2015鈥檚 195-nation . Four of the six are currently controlled by these right-wing anti-democratic movements: Russia, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and the United States.
The potentially effective proposal led in Congress by U.S. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and U.S. Sen. Edwin Markey is mired in squabbles over its costs. Meanwhile, Miami Beach is to raise that small city鈥檚 streets 2 feet, a temporary fix for rising seas. How much will it cost to permanently raise or move many thousands of low-lying communities?
Younger generations are going to have to step up. Even American teenagers may be ready. Six out of seven youth ages 13 to 17 told a recent , 鈥渉uman activity is causing climate change,鈥 and four out of five called it a 鈥渃risis鈥 or 鈥渕ajor problem.鈥 Majorities feel afraid, motivated, and angry. Among high school students, 40% say they have taken steps to reduce their carbon footprint, and one in four say they have participated in direct action.
Young people see future-facing issues such as climate change, gun violence, human rights, proactive government, and globalism more clearly than older leaders.
While the survey reveals disappointing levels of confusion, it鈥檚 that activist fraction that will spearhead change. Even in oil-marinated Oklahoma, climate-change protests driven by high school and college students increased tenfold in size from last spring鈥檚 to September鈥檚 marches (I was at both and counted attendees). In a state whose leaders hold literal 鈥溾 days and fracking to extract natural gas , youthful activists at least can laud their elders for one development: wind turbines now supply sold in Oklahoma.
鈥淎dults won鈥檛 take climate change seriously,鈥 wrote the lead organizers of , all of whom are ages 13 to 16. 鈥淪o we, the youth, are forced to strike.鈥 That鈥檚 a sentiment shared by many youth activists. But what does that mean? Even in its current state of fractionalized organization, youth-led activism is a formidable threat. Forty-two percent of the world鈥檚 population is 24 or younger. They will have to persuade older government, corporate, and institutional leaders to take dramatic action鈥攐r find ways to override them. Coming confrontations are likely to realign power relationships in unheard-of ways.
In the in the United States, the most obstructionist nation under the presidency of Donald Trump, voters under age 25 (including young Whites) voted against anti-environment Republicans by 2-1 margins. And while a large majority of White voters ages 45 and older voted Republican, that still leaves a substantial number of even this conservative cohort to be potential allies of the young.
Young people see future-facing issues such as climate change, gun violence, human rights, proactive government, and globalism more clearly than older leaders but are denied pathways to power on account of their age. Extending voting and office-holding ages to 16 or even younger is crucial to bringing future-focused issues to the forefront. In an America whose leaders increasingly reject even short-term investments to fix bridges and fund schools, winning tough action on long-term threats like climate change demands a revolutionary reimagining of innovative solutions.
鈥淲e are on the verge of developing a new kind of culture,鈥 as her long anthropological career ended. 鈥淚n this culture, it will be the child鈥攁nd not the parent or grandparent鈥攖hat represents what is to come.鈥 Without decisive action, environmental degradation 鈥渨ill soon make our planet uninhabitable,鈥 yet 鈥渢he elderly are no longer the custodians of wisdom or models.鈥 If climate-strike youth and are to save humanity and vital ecosystems, prepare for changes in power dynamics beyond what we鈥檝e ever seen.
Mike Males
is a senior researcher for the Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice, the principal investigator for YouthFacts, and the author of five books on American youth.
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